Progress Illinois

As you probably know, math professors don’t usually up and run for office. And yet, starting in the spring of 2007, I – an assistant professor of mathematics at the University of Chicago, someone who as a teenager dreamt of nothing more than teaching math for a living – embarked on a campaign for State Representative in Illinois’ 17th District, a journey that would ultimately lead me to effectively end my academic career by not seeking tenure.

So, what happened? In short, I saw the world falling apart around me. America was becoming a place unlike the one I’d learned about in school. All of a sudden, we were facing terrible problems and suffering through worse decisions -- decisions that tolerated and even encouraged torture, economic inequality, and an environmental crisis that threatened the planet.

Watching these developments awoke in me a patriotism that I hadn’t noticed before. It made me angry that America – my America – was being defiled in this way.  And for a few years early in the Bush administration, I was despondent that so few seemed to care.

So when I noticed concern about the direction of our country finally growing, it came as an invigorating jolt. A new progressive movement began to blossom, fueled at first by the same outrage I felt, and soon channeled into a powerful new policy agenda and political force. I saw this movement of new political actors as the great hope for America’s future, and I felt called to participate in it in any way I could, initially as a volunteer and organizer, and eventually as a candidate for public office.

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On January 7, President-elect Barack Obama declared his intention to address the foreclosure crisis soon after being sworn in. The challenge now for advocates is to ensure that the details of the plan match Obama’s rhetoric and truly assist homeowners and renters.

Strong federal mandates are needed because the foreclosure crisis is expected to worsen. At the end of last year, credit agency TransUnion estimated that 4.7 percent of all mortgages were delinquent by 60 days or more. And they've projected that this figure may surpass 7 percent by the end of 2009.

Meanwhile, the voluntary actions on the part of the lending industry to assist homeowners have so far been largely ineffective. Housing counselors across Illinois recently reported that 75 percent of loan servicers rarely agree to workout plans that allow homeowners to maintain their homes. The worst offenders were: America's Servicing Company (a subsidiary of Wells Fargo), First Franklin Loan Services/Home Loan Services, Bank of America, Saxon Mortgage, American Home Mortgage Servicing, and Aurora Loan Services (a subsidiary of Lehman Brothers).

These survey findings -- reported by Housing Action Illinois in "Who's Serving Whom? Analyzing The Frequency Of Loan Servicer Modifications" (PDF) -- provide evidence to support a federal moratorium on home foreclosures, as well as legislation to systematically and automatically modify loan terms and other measures.

A truly comprehensive plan to address homeowners and renters impacted by the foreclosure crisis should include the following six components:

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Our historic presidential contest has finally opened the door for a long-overdue discourse on the important role of community organizing and why foundations should invest in these efforts.

Regardless of what transpires over the next four years, President-elect Barack Obama can already be likened to John Adams and Thomas Jefferson. Not as a president, at least not yet. But rather as a wise and courageous leader whose ascendency to the White House is grounded in his experience as a Chicago community organizer.

During the recent presidential campaign, some candidates and their surrogates attempted to suggest that there is something "un-American" about being a community organizer. Efforts to malign Obama included attacks on the Woods Fund because our foundation supports community organizing and because he served on our board for eight years.

The bogus charges against Obama and the Woods Fund were not only cynical and mean-spirited, they conveniently ignored the rich tradition of community organizing as old as our country itself.

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The public does not like appointments to elected offices.  Whether it’s a group of committeemen, the mayor of a city, or the governor -- the appointment process never seems or feels completely fair.  For starters, the preliminary interviews and vetting typically occur behind closed doors.  Prospective appointees advocate for the job, but only to those who control the appointment decision.  The public might hear rhetoric about the criteria for the decision, but is left thinking that the rationale offered is little more than spin.

Normally, once the appointment has been made, there is some initial grumbling about the lack of public input in the process.  And no more.  But the recent allegations that Gov. Rod Blagojevich sought to sell an appointment to the U.S. Senate has changed the old political calculus about appointments.

Prominent Democrats, Republicans, and editorial boards have opined that this time the appointee should be elected rather than selected.  I too have supported calls for a special election.  And I continue to believe that a special election is the optimal solution for guaranteeing transparency and public accountability. But there is a considerable downside -- the cost.  The bill for a statewide special election could reach $30 million.  Not chump change at a time when the state has been forced to borrow upwards of $1 billion to pay its bills.

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